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Voice analysis in ethnomusicology:
De-mystifying Bulgarian singing
CHAPTER 2
Literature review: Voice analysis in ethnomusicology
`A well-trained sailor boy can both tie complex knots and
discern whether someone else is tying them up correctly or
incorrectly, deftly or clumsily. But he is probably incapable of the
difficult task of describing in words how the knots should be tied.'
Gilbert Ryle, The Concept of the
Mind.1
Bulgarian music
It is unfortunate that the limited ethnomusicological studies on
Bulgarian music do not address the issue of vocal timbre or
production. For example, the three detailed, comprehensive monographs,
referred to in the previous chapter, Krustev's Bulgarian music,
Kremenliev's Bulgarian-Macedonian folk
music and Rice's May it fill
your soul: Experiencing Bulgarian music, go to great lengths to
discuss the fascinating origins of Bulgarian songs, the meaning of the
lyrics, song structure, harmonic, melodic and rhythmic aspects but
there are no detailed discussions in any of the texts on the timbre of
the voice, or on the sound production. Rice is the only author of the
three that briefly discusses the issue of vocal timbre or
production. He addresses differences in singing ability through
interviewing Bulgarian singer Todora Varimezova, commenting:
[S]inging ability and knowledge of songs were not
distributed equally among the girls, and Todora rated only one or two
in each generation as outstanding, herself among them. "Tim, do you
know what kind of voice I had.... It was so strong, it was heard
everywhere. It was if it sprang out of me. And so melodious." To
illustrate differential singing ability, Todora mentioned a wedding
song with a narrow range...." Some girls just couldn't sing this," and
she imitated them by singing on just one tone, sliding into and out of
it grossly and failing to discriminate pitches clearly.2
Rice then makes a comment based on interviews with Todora that is
pertinent to this study, and perhaps explains why he has not addressed
the topic of voice timbre or production in his research:
No attempt was made to enforce or teach the details of
voice production, tone quality or ornamental style; this was left to
each individual to learn by imitation and practice as best she
could.3
It appears that Rice has chosen not to investigate this area based
on the above information that he was given by Todora on the
traditional Bulgarian method of voice teaching. This indicates that
research into the area of voice timbre and production in Bulgarian
singing has been neglected because the singers themselves do not teach
in such a way, and it is entirely likely that they find it very
difficult to actually verbalise the way in which they produce their
vocal sound. Because of the difficulty in articulating the vocal
process, it would appear to be extremely difficult to investigate the
Bulgarian vocal sound, and would therefore explain the distinct lack
of research in the area. However, it doesn't mean that it is an
impossible task, simply one involving the incorporation of a different
discipline - the study of the voice as an instrument. This will become
apparent in the discussion in chapter three.
Non-Bulgarian music
Similarly to the above discussion of specifically Bulgarian
singing, there are few ethnomusicological studies that address singing
in cultures other than Bulgarian. Most of the studies that do exist
tend to focus on every aspect of song but the mechanics of
singing. There are some exceptions to the rule however, as will be
discussed in the following section. However, these exceptions still do
not address the voice as an instrument in depth, instead touching on
the subject briefly, leaving the reader with a sense of missing
knowledge on the subject. All of these studies have the potential to
be greatly improved with the inclusion of vocal analysis describing
how each particular vocalisation is made.
Fales's research, referred to in chapter one, demonstrates an
awareness of the importance of timbre. Her research into "whispered
Inanga" is important in the development of voice theory in
ethnomusicology, showing that within the Burundi community in Africa,
singing with the "correct" timbre is of utmost importance to the
performance:
Because a whisper is acoustically pitchless, the vocal
component of whispered inanga is limited in two ways: it cannot
produce a melody, and it cannot produce the linguistic tones that
distinguish grammatical or lexical features. Nevertheless, Barundi
listeners claim with absolute conviction that the musician "sings" to
the melody of the inanga ... listeners point out that if the voice
failed to go up and down with the inanga, the singer would be
"mispronouncing" or "speaking wrong" the text.4
It is evident that the Burundi themselves are aware of vocal timbre
as a concept, which suggests that most, if not all cultures, would be
aware of their own vocal timbre/s and the importance of timbre in
their style of music. It seems that it would be possible to include
research into timbre in ethnomusicological studies, just by asking the
subjects the right questions and being able to interpret the answers
into language that can be easily understood by the reader.
Seeger's Why Suyá Sing is a
book dedicated to song and
singing, and his writing expresses a great interest in all aspects of
singing, including timbre. In the preface to his book, Seeger
outlines:
This is a book about singing in a native South American
community; it is also a book about the study of music and the role of
music in social processes. It addresses a number of deceptively simple
questions about musical events in a small Brazilian Indian community,
such as Why do members of a particular group value song so much? Why
do performances of songs have certain structures, timbres and styles?
Why do certain members of the community sing those particular things
in those particular ways for that particular audience in that
particular place and time? The answers are to be found both in the
people's ideas about sound and song, and also in the relationship of
singing with other verbal forms and social processes in their
society.5
It appears that Seeger has also noticed these aspects of music have
been overlooked in ethnomusicology perhaps because they do seem
simple. In the chapter "From speech to song", Seeger compares two
types of Suyá songs-"shout songs" and "unison songs". He mentions the
type of vocal styles necessary to achieve the correct vocal timbre for
both styles of song:
Shout songs were sung in a high, forced voice. They
usually began on the highest note, or its leading tone.... Unison songs
were usually performed in a low register and revealed a fairly level
melody contour-although the pitch might gradually rise during a
performance.... In spite of their similarity, each shout song had to be
different from every other shout song. Each singer wanted to be heard
as an individual, and it was very important that each song be
different enough to be distinguished from the rest. Differences were
most easily heard in the rhythm, melody, text, and voice
quality.6
Seeger does not go into great detail about timbre elsewhere in the
book, but does at least briefly recognise its existence and
importance, and the fact that the singers themselves are aware of
timbre and its role in their musical culture.
Sugarman addresses timbre and voice production in a study on
singing and gender among Prespa Albanians:
[T]he repertoires of Prespa women and men, and the manners
in which they sing, are markedly different. Both women and men sing in
their chest register, but with somewhat different vocal
placement. Women are commonly said to speak and sing in a "thin voice"
(zë të ollë). Those who fit
this description sing in a high tessitura,
with a muted, nasal placement. Today the relatively subdued quality of
women's singing contrasts strikingly with their more animated
conversational style.7
Sugarman's observation of the mechanics of the voice in the singing
of the Prespa Albanians is very astute, as her description shows
knowledge of the voice as an instrument, and an awareness of the
importance of timbre in the role of song. It is precisely this type of
research that is pertinent to this study, and the type of research
that is currently under-investigated and needs to be addressed in
order for ethnomusicology to advance beyond the realms of the
limitations of human language and to recognise the importance of the
value of voice production analysis for the sake of the knowledge
alone, as well as the importance of its role in pedagogy.
In "Mamaindé vocal music", Avery investigates what he finds
to be the most important purely vocal forms of Mamaindé
music. His discussion consists primarily of the relationship between
culture and song and some analysis of song form and melody. He briefly
refers to some form of vocal styles, firstly addressing two forms of
intoned prose:
The i ka naut sa txu (technical
term, no gloss) is a form
of intoned prose.... Two singers are involved: one man who intones a
paragraph of prose which is basically repeated by the second man. Each
paragraph is bracketed by a set melodic formula that is hummed and
provides the transition from one singer to the next.... The
Mamaindé also use a less formal type of intoned prose that
involves only one singer and for which they have no special term but
would just say ("he is speaking out").8
He also refers to a vocal phenomenon called "crying":
Crying, nan sa txu ("crying") is
a formalized vocal
phenomenon that is used to mourn the death of a relative but may be
sung even before he actually dies.... Although this stylized crying is
not a strictly musical phenomenon, certain songs associated with
either healing or killing are said to be crying songs because they are
associated with death. One individual characterized a "crying" song as
one having "oh, oh, oh" at the end.9
Avery's article would benefit greatly from the inclusion of a
discussion of vocal timbre and production because the brief
descriptions above leave the reader unsatisfied with the depth of the
vocal analysis and wanting to know more about the timbre of these
styles.
Scott discusses vocal timbre in Exploring
the World of Music,
referring to the Ganga singing of the Bosnian Highlands:
Vocal timbre is affected, not only by the shaping of
internal space within a singer's mouth, throat and chest, but by the
external space of the environment in which the individual
sings...Before the breakup of Yugoslavia and the violent destruction
of many villages in the Bosnian highlands during the early 1990s,
Bosnian villagers ... tended their livestock in the wide-open spaces of
a mountainous terrain. Their vocal style reflects both the broad,
outdoor character of the highland landscape and the intimate nature of
village society. The influence of the landscape is perceptible in the
sheer volume and penetrating timbre of their singing, a full-throated,
somewhat nasal production that seems designed to be audible across
valleys and in neighbouring hills.10 Scott raises a few points in this description about the vocal quality
of the singing, using such terms as "full-throated" and "somewhat
nasal" that show an awareness of the importance of timbre, and also
the process behind the vocal timbre, but it is apparent that he does
not have a firm grasp of the actual vocal function that creates this
style of singing. It is interesting that Scott relates the Bosnian
style of singing to the culture in which it developed, as this is most
certainly a factor in voice production and timbre.
Bulgarian voice
The following brief quotations obtained from a journal article, CD
cover notes and websites describe the Bulgarian singing voice:
The music is described as born of the pain and suffering
experienced by Bulgarians while under Ottoman Turkish rule but as
symbolizing the preservation of their culture in the face of such
adversity; as an ancient or primeval tradition bequested by the
Thracian minstrel Orpheus, who supposedly lived in southern Bulgaria,
but presented in a newly authentic fashion; and as springing forth
organically from the throats of all Bulgarian women.11
The voices themselves-like the women who possess them-are similarly
described as "sweet" but "powerful" and "restrained" but "aggressive",
"eerily beautiful" and "holy", but manifesting a "carnal texture",
"worldly" yet "spiritual", and as "at home with the earth as the
heavens.12
One vital component of the 'mystery' of the Bulgarian voice lies in
the nature of the vocal production, which is characterized by a
projective, open-throated, vibratoless resonance enhanced by a variety
of distinctive embellishment techniques, such as vocal trills, shakes,
and glottal ornamentation.13
The secret of the music is a solid method and technique of voice
production and tone shaping. While the Europeans form the voice at the
front, the Bulgarians produce their tone in the throat and nose,
supported by use of overtone resonances.14
The voices merge to create a forceful timbre.... (Given that much of
this music springs from the harvest and other outdoor situations, the
need for carrying power is apparent.) ...western voices, with their
built-in vibratos, would muddy this music. Here, the pitches are
crystal clear. The tone has both nasal and chest qualities (for
richness and projection, respectively). Vibrato, when it is used, is a
local expressive device....15
The Bulgarian women's piercing, vibrato-less sound and exotic
language creates music that inspires awe. The loud, belting chest
voice that is used, stemming from the music's outdoor origins,
resonates with western ears used to the pop singing styles of female
rockers. 16
Kitka is most influenced by ... the Bulgarian choir. Both employ a
folk, rather than classical, style of singing unfamiliar to western
ears. Like a hot spa or crème brûlée, the flat tones, dissonance,
abrupt ends and "yips" common to this style take some getting used
to...." It's a very natural kind of vocal production that's different
from the western style of bel canto," [Kitka director] Cion
says. "It's a technique we call 'open voice,' which is a lot closer to
speaking than what you'd think of as vocal music."17
The above quotations all touch on similar points in describing the
Bulgarian voice. Terms like "open-throated", "vibratoless", "chest",
"overtone resonances", "belting", and references to the tone being
produced in the "throat" and "nose" all create a sense of the
Bulgarian sound, and all attempt to draw attention to the importance
of the unique timbre and how the timbre is technically produced. All
of the descriptions, with the exception of the quotations from the
journal article, descriptions of the Bulgarian voice found in
non-academic texts. Finding descriptions like these in academic texts
is near impossible, and one questions why this is the case, as
according to the above quotations, it is relatively easy to describe
the Bulgarian vocal sound with fairly correct terminology.
Webster Stech's research certainly helps the de-mystification
process of the Bulgarian voice, as she discusses the technical
similarities and differences between Bulgarian folk singing and
western classical singing. In her introduction she outlines the
purpose of her study:
Most often, women singers of Balkan music have been
subjected to the incomplete opinions of "western" classical singers
who profess that Bulgarian singing is both crude and damaging to the
voice. Bulgarian singers defend in return that village style singing
is more "natural" (than "western" classical) and not constrained to
male dominated notions of the passive, high pitched "head" voice
represented by the "western" classical tradition. Through interviews,
texts, and e-mails, I will argue that both sides are working with
significantly incomplete information about the other, and that by
working within such a binary structure, American singers of Bulgarian
music are limiting their knowledge and abilities to fully explore
their "Bulgarian" voice, their own voice, and their true voice.18
Stech interviewed Bulgarian-style vocalists and found very similar
results to the results in this study that will be discussed in chapter
three, namely that the Bulgarian sound isn't nasal, although the tone
produces strong overtones so the sound is often perceived as nasal,
the vocal folds are very tight, the sound is un-breathy so breath flow
is efficient and the sound is primarily "chest-based", although she
questions the term "chest voice". Stech has not delved into details
about the laryngeal and tongue position, but she does raise the issue
of "belting" in regards to Bulgarian singing, which is a term that
will be addressed in chapter three.
All the above descriptions conjure up an idea of the Bulgarian
voice, and some parts of the descriptions are correct, but there are
several terms that are used imprecisely that need to be clarified and
defined so the de-mystification process of the Bulgarian vocal style
can begin. Studies into vocal timbre in different cultures show an
interest in the area of timbre, but there has been such a minimal
amount of research into voice production in ethnomusicology, that
terms used to describe the timbre of a particular voice are often
incorrect, or badly worded. If one is to maintain a thorough,
scholarly approach to ethnomusicological research, then surely one
must attempt to investigate the correct scientific and vocal terms so
they can be used in an intelligent manner in order to further the
research in this area. In the following chapter, the mechanics of the
Bulgarian singing voice will be discussed, through literature on
western voice analysis and referral to the interview results, in an
attempt to shed some light on the technical vocal process in Bulgarian
singing that causes such a unique and beautiful timbre.
Notes
(Links open in new window)
- R. Miller. 1996a. On the art of
singing. New York: Oxford
University Press, p. xv.
- T. Rice. 1994. May it fill your
soul: Experiencing
Bulgarian music. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 60.
- Rice, 1994. p. 60.
- C. Fales. 2002. "The paradox of timbre." Ethnomusicology 46 (1): 79.
- A. Seeger. 1987. Why Suyá
sing: A musical
anthropology of an Amazonian people. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge
University Press, p. xiii.
- Seeger, 1987. pp. 40-1.
- J. Sugarman. 1989. "The nightingale and the partridge:
Singing and gender among Prespa Albanians." Ethnomusicology 33 (2):
199.
- T. Avery. 1977. "Mamaindé vocal music." Ethnomusicology 21 (3): 363-64.
- Avery, 1977. 364.
- Hast, D, Cowdery, J & Scott, S. 1999. Exploring the
world of music: An introduction to music from a world music
perspective. Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company, p. 146.
- D. Buchanan. 1997. "Bulgaria's magical mystère tour: Post-modernism, world music marketing and political change in
Eastern Europe." Ethnomusicology 41
(1): 138.
- Buchanan, 1997. 138-39.
- Buchanan, 1997. 139.
- Liner notes. 1988. Liner notes to: Le mystère des
voix Bulgares A cathedral
concert. [compact disc]. New York: Polygram
Classics and Jazz 314 510 794-92.
- I. Marshall. 1987. Liner notes to: Le mystère des
voix Bulgares Le mystère des voix
Bulgares. [compact
disc]. USA : Elektra/Asylum/Nonesuch 79165-2.
- J. Baily. 2002. "'Astonishing' Bulgarian women's choir
to perform Oct. 6 at UCSD." http://ucsdnews.ucsd.edu/newsrel/events/jangelite.htm.
(21 May 2003,
12:58pm), p. 1.
- K. Fiore. 2001. "Choir masters." OC
Weekly. http://www.ocweekly.com/printme.php?&eid=29118 (Friday 7 March
2003, 12:09am), p. 1.
- J. Webster Stech. 2002. "American woman and the mysterious
voice: American women performing gender through singing Bulgarian
songs." http://depts.washington.edu/reecas/events/conf2002/regconf02.html (10 April 2003, 2:50pm), p. 2.
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